Blogs make it easy enough to, "backfill" events that already happend - so that we have a central site. I discovered this one that happened in July, 2001 - as reported by the Israeli embassy.

To link to the talk on the Israeli Embassy's website, click on the following link:

http://www.israelemb.org/bios/Speeches/ivry/di01-07-19-1.html

The text of his talk is below:

Oxford Alumni Association:

July 19, 2001
Thank you for the warm introduction, Joe. I also wish to thank the Oxford Alumni Association for hosting this event, and the Yale and Oxford Alumni here with us today.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is an honor to join you this evening, as we discuss the current state of Palestinian-Israeli relations, Israeli policy, and the prospects for peace.

Before I begin, I would like to remind you that Israel is more than the headlines. In just fifty-three years, we have embraced millions of immigrants from over one hundred countries, increased our population ten-fold, and developed a modern State, brimming with infinite potential.

In the late sixties- at the height of the Vietnam War- Lyndon Johnson told Golda Meir that he was impressed with Israel's military capabilities and joked that he would like to borrow several Israeli generals. To this, Golda responded, that he could have some Israeli generals if we could trade them for some of his. Specifically, General Electric, General Dynamics, and General Motors.

Today, this is no longer needed. At the dawn of the new millenium, Israel stands as one of the most technologically advanced countries in the world.

In the past fifty-three years, we have built a model economy, an unprecedented military infrastructure, and a renowned educational system. We have ingathered the exiles and created a single nation out of an immigrant population. We have built over one thousand cities, towns, and kibbutzim, out of sand dunes, swamps, and ancient ruins.

Most importantly, we have worked to promote peace, stability, and democracy in the Middle East, while protecting Western strategic interests in the region.

One of the most profound examples of this occurred twenty years ago last month, when Israel destroyed the Osirak nuclear reactor in Iraq. In fact, this operation was implemented under my command, while I served as head of the Israeli Air Force.

The destruction of the Osirak reactor changed the course of strategic development in the Middle East. Had we not gone ahead with this mission, Iraq's nuclear program would have reached completion, posing a grave threat to Israel, the region, and potentially, the entire world.

Ten years later, the United States and Britain led an international coalition against Iraq in the Gulf War. It then became clear that Israel had effectively delayed Iraq's multi-billion dollar effort to develop nuclear weapons.

In fact, hanging in my office is an aerial photo of the complex where the reactor once stood, with an inscription from then-Defense Secretary, Richard Cheney. It reads, "with thanks for the destruction of the reactor, which made our job much easier in Desert Storm."

This operation was just one illustration of the critical partnership that exists between Israel and the United States, which is based upon shared values, and common strategic interests. Our relationship is the cornerstone of stability in the Middle East, and a safeguard for future generations.

Successive U.S. Administrations, have played a vital role in ensuring the security of the Jewish State since 1948. This unique partnership has helped build our modern nation, and enhance our qualitative edge.

Now that we have reached a dangerous moment in the history of the Middle East, we must continue to stand together, as partners and friends. The future of the region depends on it.

Abba Eban used to describe the Middle East by telling the well-known story of the duck and scorpion attempting to cross the Suez Canal. The scorpion asked for a ride, assuring the duck that he wouldn't sting him. He stated, "if I sting you, then we'll both drown."

Sure enough, half way across the canal, the scorpion stung the duck. As they were both gasping for air, the duck asked, "what made you do it?" The scorpion said, "what do you expect? This is the Middle East."

In our region, there is no pity for the weak. And, as Henry Kissinger put it, no second chance for the defeated. Once you understand this, you can grasp the complexities facing Israel, and the challenges that have emerged over the past year. At the Camp David Summit last July, former Prime Minister Barak went beyond any other Israeli leader before him, in offering the Palestinians the most far-reaching peace proposal in the history of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

However, the Palestinians rejected our offer, refused to produce a counter-offer, and opted for violence. The Palestinian leadership made a strategic decision to regress at a time when Israel was prepared to move forward. As a member of a prominent Washington think-tank announced, "the Palestinians left the Israeli bride at the altar."

Camp David demonstrated the Palestinians' unwillingness to compromise at a time when Israel was prepared to make painful concessions for peace. In fact, in last week's New Yorker a PA official - Marwan Barghouti- announced that the Palestinians were unwilling to accept anything less than 100% of the West Bank and Gaza.

When asked whether 100% would bring an end to the conflict, he responded "Then we could talk about bigger things." Clearly, we are not on the same page. The Palestinians would rather engage in conflict than compromise.

Since Camp David, we have witnessed the collapse of the peace process, the deterioration of Palestinian-Israeli relations, and the onset of Palestinian terror.

Over the last nine and a half months, Israel has endured a sustained campaign of terror, which has included more than six thousand armed attacks against Israeli soldiers and civilians, averaging some thirty incidents a day.

There have been eighteen suicide bombings since September, and over eighty attempted bombing attacks, including car bombs and suicide attackers. Eleven of which were in shopping malls, intended to inflict mass civilian casualties.

Just last month, a suicide bomber detonated himself while standing in a crowded line of young people, at a popular nightclub on the Tel Aviv beach. Killing twenty-one Israelis, and injuring one hundred and fifteen, most of them new immigrants from Russia.

These and other acts of terror are the result of a clear Palestinian decision to use violence as a strategic tool for achieving what they failed to attain through negotiations.

In fact, there is no "cycle of violence." There is only violence, and its response.

Israel holds the Palestinian Authority responsible for these terrorist attacks in light of its encouragement, incitement, and direct participation in the violence.

The Israeli government is confident that the PA has the ability to control the situation. As former U.S. Ambassador to Israel, Martin Indyk, stated two weeks ago, "If Arafat and the Palestinian security services would make 100% effort, there would be 100% success."

For almost ten months, we have urged Arafat to renounce the violence, end the incitement and create an environment conducive to peaceful negotiations but to no avail.

Since the outbreak of violence last September, the Palestinian leadership has released hundreds of imprisoned terrorists, and facilitated numerous attacks against Israeli civilians. In fact, the major thrust behind the violence has been Force Seventeen, Arafat's own Presidential Guard.

Clearly, the line between peace partner and adversary has been erased. Arafat has created a terror coalition in the areas under his control. He has adopted a strategy of escalation, to provoke an Israeli counter response, and destabilize the region.

Israel has made every effort to end this conflict, and each attempt has failed. We have engaged in bilateral commitments with the PA, last fall in Paris, then at Sharm el-Sheik. But the Palestinians have violated the agreed upon terms each and every time.

Even after the terrible bombing in Tel Aviv, Israel has attempted to move forward, in accordance with the recommendations outlined in the Mitchell Committee Report and the Tenet Working Paper.

This sequence is based upon the total and unconditional cessation of violence, to be followed by a seven-day period of complete calm. Once this has occurred, we will proceed to the six-week cooling off period, implement confidence building measures, and eventually return to the negotiating table.

However, we cannot make progress along this timetable, until each phase is carried-out by both parties. This has not yet begun.

There has not been one day without terrorist attacks since September. As we stand firmly behind our policy of restraint, the violence continues to rage, and Israelis continue to die.

In fact, since the Palestinian declaration of a cease-fire on June 13th sixteen Israelis have been killed, in over five hundred acts of terror. These incidents include a suicide bombing Monday at a crowded train station, numerous drive-by shootings, mortar attacks inside Jerusalem, and an attempt to bomb the site of the 2001 Jewish Olympics on the day they were to commence.

Arafat's declared cease-fire will only be realized if the Palestinian Authority takes all steps to bring an end to the violence. These include, a complete cessation of incitement in the Palestinian media and schools, the immediate arrest of all known terrorists, the confiscation of illegal weapons, and the prevention of all further terrorist activity aimed at Israel.

The Palestinians' failure to implement these necessary steps, and the absence of complete quiet, are precluding the initiation of the Mitchell sequence.

We are now watching and waiting. It is up to Arafat to prove - in practice, not just words - that he is truly committed to ending the violence. Mere declarations are no longer sufficient. The true test will be based upon actions, and of course, results.

Arafat would prefer to conduct a political dialogue with Israel while continuing to exercise violence as a device to win maximum political concessions, but our resolve is firm. Israel will only negotiate once the terrorism, violence, and incitement are brought to a complete and decisive end.

Despite the continued provocations by the Palestinian Authority, Prime Minister Sharon is exercising true leadership and maximum restraint. Amidst heavy political pressure to respond to the ongoing Palestinian violence, Prime Minister Sharon has maintained his commitment to a cease-fire. But our policy of restraint cannot continue indefinitely.

The world must understand that our restraint has limits.

Israel has the right, and indeed the obligation, to protect is citizens, in keeping with the fundamental principle of self-defense as enshrined in international law and the charter of the United Nations.

Israel- like any other modern nation- can not and will not endure the continuation of violence against innocent civilians. Arafat must be made to understand that the international community will not sit back and watch terror unfold in the Middle East.

The stability of the entire region now lies in the balance. The threats to peace in the Middle East are unpredictable, dangerous, and increasingly difficult to contain.

We believe that the Palestinian strategy is aimed at internationalizing the conflict, in an attempt to force Israel to concede its vital interests.

At the same time, Saddam Hussien is exploiting the rising tensions to regain regional dominance. While Iran and Syria continue to infiltrate vast quantities of arms to the Palestinians, and encourage Hezbollah attacks on Northern Israel.

These provocations threaten our relationship with even moderate Arab regimes, and pose a growing danger to the entire Middle East. We are facing severe challenges, with no easy solutions.

Israel is committed to resolving the conflict, and building the bridge leading to a peaceful future. It is now up to the Palestinians to heed our calls for reconciliation and peace.

History tells us that there is no alternative. Over the last decade, the Palestinians have reached historic achievements through peaceful negotiations with Israel. The Palestinians have never gained anything through violence. Israel has not, and will never, yield to political intimidation.

Anwar Sadat came to Jerusalem and won the hearts and minds of Israelis by declaring, "no more war, no more bloodshed." The Sinai Peninsula was returned to Egypt as a result of this peace offering.

The late King Hussein of Jordan achieved a lasting peace with Israel not through violence, but through good-faith negotiations between neighbors and friends.

Today, we call on Arafat to follow in the footsteps of these great leaders and abandon the use of violence as a political tool.

Israel is a small but strong nation, which has withstood great adversity in the past. As Golda Meir once said "Zionism and pessimism are inherently incompatible." Israel's history is living proof of this.

We have demonstrated that the might of a people does not lie in numbers, but in the will and spirit of a nation. We have fulfilled the dreams of our ancestors. We have ingathered the exiles and made the desert bloom. We have emerged from the shadows of the Holocaust into the light of possibilities. We have overcome great challenges in the past, and we will not stop now.

Working together with the United States, other Western nations, and moderate Arab regimes, Israel will make every effort to promote peace and stability in the Middle East. We are determined to overcome the challenges that lie ahead. And find a lasting peace for the future, for our children, and for generations to come.

Thank you. I now open the floor to a discussion.

Posted by Guy Spier at 09:15 PM | Permalink